Is the Glan Devon biosolids proposal waste colonialism?

Shifting risk and consequence from a more powerful region to a less powerful region is tacit waste colonialism.

Scott Dunham

8/2/20268 min read

Waste colonialism usually describes a powerful country sending its waste to a poorer country.

The richer country keeps the benefits of producing and consuming goods. Another community is left to provide the land, labour and environmental capacity needed to deal with the waste.

The Glan Devon bio-fertiliser proposal is not the same as international hazardous-waste dumping. But the same basic power pattern can exist within Queensland.

A larger and more affluent urban or coastal service system can send its waste to a smaller, lower-income rural district. The rural district is then expected to provide the land, roads, airshed, water-risk capacity and community tolerance needed to process it.

That raises a direct question:

Is the South Burnett being asked to host the impacts of a waste system that mainly serves sources, owners and markets outside the district?

Once the material and money flows are drawn, that question becomes difficult to avoid.

What is being proposed?

The Glan Devon facility would receive wet biosolids, dry them using heat from non-recyclable waste, blend the dried material with mineral fertiliser, and make a pelletised or granulated fertiliser product.

The project is described using attractive terms:

  • circular economy;

  • resource recovery;

  • landfill diversion;

  • regional development.

Those terms describe what the project is intended to achieve.

They do not answer the harder questions:

  • Where does the waste come from?

  • Which landfill is actually avoided?

  • Where does the product go?

  • Where does the money stay?

  • Where do the emissions, noise, traffic and residual wastes stay?

For Glan Devon, those answers do not all point to the South Burnett.

The South Burnett is not solving a South Burnett waste problem

The biosolids identified for the project are not generated by South Burnett wastewater treatment plants. They come from outside the district. They are also already transported into the South Burnett and spread on local farm paddocks.

That existing system is not impact-free. It involves trucks, odour, handling, nutrient controls and contaminant risks. But it is a direct agricultural-use pathway:

Imported biosolids → local transport and spreading → local farms

The South Burnett already receives the agricultural value of the biosolids. Local workers already transport and spread them. This matters because the realistic “do nothing” case is not a future where nothing useful happens.

The current system already provides farm nutrients and local work without placing a thermal waste-processing and fertiliser-manufacturing plant in the middle of the chain.

The proposed project would change that simple pathway into a much more complex industrial system.

Three major inputs would enter the Glan Devon plant:

  • imported biosolids;

  • imported non-recyclable waste used as fuel;

  • imported mineral fertiliser.

Several outputs would leave:

  • manufactured fertiliser;

  • air emissions;

  • water, vapour and liquid outputs;

  • ash, rejected material and other residual waste.

This is not simply the current operation with better machinery.

It is a different material system. It adds transport, storage, testing, process control, emissions management, maintenance, rejected loads and waste-disposal requirements. That extra complexity may create value.

And, it may not.

What it will certainly create is more cost, more dependence on equipment and contractors, and more ways for the process to fail. Those added costs and risks must be justified by the extra value the plant is claimed to create.

The landfill benefit is not local

The proposed non-recyclable-waste fuel has not been shown to come from a secure South Burnett source. The non-recyclable-waste would need to be sorted, cleaned, crushed and sampled. It would need to meet a specification.No current South Burnett supplier has been identified for this type of waste.

If that waste comes from another region and would otherwise be buried there, then the landfill space saved belongs mainly to that other region, not the South Burnett.

The South Burnett would host the thermal-processing plant.

It would not gain the landfill benefit simply because imported waste was burned or processed inside the council boundary.

The same applies to the biosolids.

They are already used on farmland. Processing them at Glan Devon does not free South Burnett landfill space. So the project does not solve an identified South Burnett landfill problem. It imports material from outside the district and processes it here.

The contaminants come with the waste

Imported waste does not arrive as clean, neutral material. Biosolids and non-recyclable waste can contain PFAS, metals, microplastics and other contaminants. Processing does not make those contaminants disappear. It may move them into:

  • the fertiliser product;

  • air emissions;

  • liquid outputs;

  • ash;

  • filters;

  • rejected material.

Some may leave the district in product or residual waste. Some may remain in locally used product or enter local environmental pathways. The important point is this:

The South Burnett would accept the processing and contaminant-partitioning risk for waste generated elsewhere.

That is a real transfer of environmental responsibility.

Much of the economic value also comes from—and returns to—elsewhere

The current biosolids system is mainly a local service chain.

It supports:

  • truck drivers;

  • spreading operators;

  • farm contractors;

  • fuel purchases;

  • equipment use;

  • repairs and maintenance;

  • farm services.

That existing work must be counted before any new economic benefit is claimed.

The proposed plant would create new spending. But a large share of the high-value spending would leave the South Burnett.

The major equipment would not be made locally:

  • the dryer;

  • the Xetrov thermal unit;

  • conveyors;

  • storage bins;

  • control systems;

  • emissions equipment.

Design, commissioning, specialist maintenance and technical support would also come mainly from outside the district.

The South Burnett may gain some civil, electrical, construction and maintenance work. But the region already has trade shortages. If the needed workers are not available, outside contractors will be brought in. If local firms take the project work instead of other work they would already have done, the project may shift economic activity rather than create entirely new activity. Or, the project may lengthen already stretched construction schedules and times.

The district also has no suitable specialist laboratory for regular feedstock, emissions, contaminant and product testing. That work and spending would leave the region.

The business is not locally owned. Profits earned at Glan Devon are not South Burnett economic benefits if they flow to owners elsewhere.

Some value would stay local. There may be plant jobs, transport work, rates, fuel sales, routine maintenance, accommodation spending and local purchases.

But that is not the full economic question.

The real question is:

How much new value would remain in the South Burnett after existing work, displaced activity and money leaving the region are deducted?

Gross project turnover is not the same as local benefit.

A large construction budget does not mean the money stays in the South Burnett.

A job at Glan Devon does not automatically mean a South Burnett resident gets it.

New plant jobs do not automatically outweigh existing transport, spreading and contracting work that may be reduced or replaced.

The plant can be local while much of the business value is not.

Circular economy does not erase geography

Circular-economy diagrams often show a neat loop:

waste → processing → product → reuse

But every part of that loop happens in a real place.

The real chain is:

Waste source → transport → processing site → residual destination → product market

For Glan Devon:

  • the biosolids come from elsewhere;

  • the waste fuel appears likely to come from elsewhere;

  • the mineral fertiliser comes from elsewhere;

  • the major equipment comes from elsewhere;

  • much of the technical support comes from elsewhere;

  • the product may be sold outside the district.

The industrial plant, however, would remain at Glan Devon. So would its stack, truck traffic, noise, residual handling, water risks, accident risks and change in rural land use.

This is the central imbalance:

The commercial benefits are geographically mobile. The physical consequences are geographically fixed.

Waste suppliers can change.

Contracts can change.

Product markets can change.

Owners can sell the business.

Specialists can leave after construction.

The host site cannot move.

Nearby residents cannot move the stack, the trucks, the noise or the industrial land use to another region.

Rural land is being treated as spare environmental capacity

Rural areas are often presented as logical places for waste infrastructure because land is cheaper and fewer people live nearby. That reasoning hides an important value judgement. It treats rural land as spare environmental capacity. The land is no longer valued mainly for farming, rural living, landscape, waterways, ecology or tourism. It is valued for its ability to absorb an industrial use that would face more cost, competition and opposition elsewhere.

The host district may receive some jobs and spending.

But it also supplies:

  • the land;

  • the roads;

  • the airshed;

  • the water-risk area;

  • the changed rural character;

  • the social licence needed for the project to operate.

Those things have real value even though they do not appear as purchases in an economic model.

The source areas linked to the biosolids system are larger and generally more affluent than the South Burnett. That difference does not prove exploitation by itself.

But it makes the fairness question more serious. This is not simply waste moving between two equal places. It is a larger external service system asking a smaller rural district to host high-impact waste processing.

Why Glan Devon?

This is the question the circular-economy story does not answer.

Why should this particular rural locality host this external waste-processing system?

A strong answer might be:

  • the site is close to the waste sources (it’s not);

  • the product market is mainly local (unproven);

  • the district has suitable industrial infrastructure (unproven);

  • the needed workforce is available (specialist skills to be imported initially);

  • the land is properly zoned (it’s not);

  • the project connects with an existing waste or industrial precinct (it does not).

Those links have not been clearly demonstrated.

Glan Devon does not appear central to the waste sources, specialist equipment, technical workforce or proven product market. Cheap rural land may make the site attractive to the business. Cheap land is not a sufficient reason to place a High Impact Industry in a rural area.

Commercial convenience does not prove that the location is economically, environmentally or socially appropriate.

A hard-nosed conclusion

The project should not be rejected simply because some materials, workers, equipment or owners are non-local. But it should not be given credit for local landfill diversion, local circular-economy benefits or major local economic gains that have not been demonstrated.

The South Burnett is not solving a South Burnett waste problem.

The project imports the waste.

It imports much of the value chain.

It localises the industrial consequences.

The South Burnett would provide the site.

It would host the processing.

It would receive the imported material streams and the contaminants they carry.

It would keep the permanent land-use and environmental consequences.

Some local economic benefit may result.

But the available evidence does not show that the South Burnett would retain a fair share of the total value. The alternative is not “nothing”. Without the plant, local farms still receive the biosolids and local workers still transport and spread them.

Until a much stronger local and site-specific case is shown, the proposal is better understood as an externally supplied merchant waste operation than as a South Burnett circular economy.

That is why waste colonialism is a useful way to examine the proposal. It asks the question that the language of circular economy tends to avoid:

Is the South Burnett being offered a genuine local resource-recovery system—or being asked to provide land and environmental capacity for other regions’ waste economy?

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